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Karl Louis
Guest
01/12/2004
22:23:58
|
 Subject: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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Karl, on t'attend
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karl
Guest
03/12/2004
12:40:20
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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vous m'attendez sur quoi?
Je n'ai pas pour habitude d'appeler les pompiers lorsqu'il n'y a pas de feu dans la maison.
La preuve est la rançon du droit.
Il y a des gens qui sont spécialisés dans la déstabilisation. Mais bon.....
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Marc
Guest
05/12/2004
10:50:13
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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Amis internautes, un nouveau forum a vu le jour sur www.lavalas.org. De plus , n'oubliez pas de visiter ma rubrique sur Allô Montréal( Haitiwebs)http://www.haitiwebs.com/mh/
Votre adorable ami vous attend...sur le web. Comme toujours, j’aimerais vous parler de l'avenir d'Haïti et de son peuple et cela avec toujours le même respect que je répands partout ou j'interviens sur la toile.
Cordiales salutations à mes amis et à mes adversaires amis, bien sûr!
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Waterloo Wanzola
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20/6/2005
08:03:22
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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Un noir qui a presque compris mais ignore la misere des Africains. L'ONU under Koffi is the worst than decades ago. UN is the troublr maker for some conflicts in the World nowadays, except in Irak. For example, UN planned to Kill Lumumba in 1961; Un planned to kill Rwanda and Burundi presidents in 1994; UN peace keepers are raping young gerls in DRC; UN plot to kill D Kabila; UN planning to recognise Rwanda referendum in DRC land soon. Koffi has to bring UN on it's initial objectives.
Thanks
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karl
Guest
21/6/2005
05:23:14
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compri
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kofi est limité dans sa marge de manoeuvre mais il n'est pas un bounty.
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debby
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28/7/2005
05:06:24
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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Un noir qui a presque compris mais ignore la misere des Africains. L'ONU under Koffi is the worst than decades ago. UN is the troublr maker for some conflicts in the World nowadays, except in Irak. For example, UN planned to Kill Lumumba in 1961; Un planned to kill Rwanda and Burundi presidents in 1994; UN peace keepers are raping young gerls in DRC; UN plot to kill D Kabila; UN planning to recognise Rwanda referendum in DRC land soon. Koffi has to bring UN on it's initial objectives.
Thanks
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marcel bizau
Guest
24/4/2006
14:58:25
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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c'EST BON
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Mee Hamba Wanzola
Guest
26/9/2006
21:56:39
| Les consequences e & s de la guerre en RDC
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Recommendations
The paper has provided some recommendations to the DRCongo and the International Community.
a). To the DRC
The research leads me to recommend the following:
ħ Open a political reconciliation, dialogue and consultation between the civil
societies in an effort to bring about an end to the conflict. This argument is supported by Joseph Kabila, President of the DRC in New York (in January 2001): ¡§the time had come for the Congolese to think about the reconstruction of their country, but to do this, it had to regain its territorial integrity, which had been undermined by Rwanda and Uganda.¡¨
ħ The DRC has to pay a particular attention on the key assumptions highlighted in
forecasting the civil war and what the Congolese want and think. For example, a new Constitution should be implemented to ensure justice and better sense of neighbourliness among Congolese.
ħ To establish schools for training street children (shegues) in both urban and rural
areas such as building, mechanics, electronics, etc. If funding permit, these schools have the same levels at European standards as a symbol of globalisation of education.
ħ The Congolese Government has to find out a strategy capable whether stopping or
reducing traditions, customs and low cultural behaviour so that to cop with the global economy.
ħ Undoubtedly, the DRC Government should develop their theoretical framework
understanding that aid in addressing ethnic conflict within the large world community and its own society. Post-conflict reconstruction and long peace building are also recommendable.
ħ To implement a strategy framework for attracting foreign investment (human
investment and physical infrastructure) and encouraging local investments.
b). To the International Community
It is scandalous sometime to see that the International Community has been so quiet to act in the country. As a result of chapter five and conclusion, the research recommends the following:
ħ Although the failure of the International Community as a whole, the thesis
suggests that the International Community should implement the World Bank initiatives and proposals for the post-war reconstruction.
ħ Examination of the latest influx brings to close to 200,000 Angolans refugees in
the DRC (a global pattern), should be explained by political and economic factors. However, the International Community such as the WHO, UN, UNICEF, NGOs, etc can provide enough funding for settlement (Irin, 2 October 2001).
ƒß Mobutu¡¦s wealth (80 %) is in the Western country (Switzerland) bank accounts,
now Congolese want the money back to a responsible government. In the same time Congolese think about their debts forgiveness.
ħ To provide aid as soon as possible to the most vulnerable groups, especially children and women in sinister zones and it may be an idea to stop supplying guns
to poor governments (minorities) to kill each other. For example, most guns and knives found in this genocide were made in most Western Countries.
ħ To assist NGOs in providing on ground wide range of policy to enhence socio-
economic development based on the cultural aspect of Congolese.
ħ To relief debt and to consider Ankomah viewpoint: the donors (USA and UK
leading the large) should put pressure on the UN to impose sanctions on Rwanda and Uganda as happened to Liberia on the one hand. In the DRC Government to call for
democratic election as soon as possible, in the other hand to make pressure on the Inter-Congolese dialogue, some kind of nationality and democratic reforms, etc (Clare Short, British Minister of International Development www.marekinc.com).
¡P It is also time for the International Community (UN peacekeeping) to deliver
some implementations for disarmament, demobilization and durable solutions. In the same perspective, initiative process to check the combined evolution of armed groups within the DRC and the entire GLR becomes urgent, as a result the rise in refugees is seen as a sigh of continued fighting. For example, support to local reconciliation efforts is highlighted in IRIN-web 28 October 2001. On the other hand, stopping war in the DRC
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H Wanzola
Guest
26/9/2006
22:17:37
| Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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Dear Mr Wanzola,
Thank you for subscribing to our email updates on the G8. As you will know, I recently chaired the annual summit of all G8 leaders in Gleneagles, Scotland.
The Summit was of course overshadowed by the appalling terrorist attacks in London last Thursday. However, all of the leaders who attended the Summit, from the G8 countries, Africa, China, India, Brazil and Mexico, were determined that this must not disrupt the important work of the Summit, on climate change and Africa.
I would like to explain what I was trying to achieve at Gleneagles and what we actually achieved.
On climate change, our objective was never to get the US to sign up to the Kyoto protocol, nor to negotiate the international treaty which must be negotiated for 2012, when the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol expires. Rather, our aim was to build a broader international consensus, which included both the US and major emerging economy countries, like China and India, and which prepares the ground for agreeing future frameworks which will drive the radical reductions in greenhouse gas emissions that we need to make.
We did not resolve every issue at Gleneagles. But I believe we made a very significant step forward. The G8 statement on climate change establishes a consensus among all of these countries that climate change is real, that it must be tackled urgently, that emissions must be halted and reduced, and that this must be done in a way which is compatible with the development and growth that is required to reduce poverty and increase wealth for all. This can only be achieved by taking measures to encourage markets and customers for cleaner and more efficient energy technologies, and by ensuring these technologies are available to all countries. We agreed the Gleneagles Plan of Action which sets out a range of practical measures to make this happen.
Crucially, we also agreed on a way to take this forward. We all agreed to continue the productive dialogue between the G8 and other major energy using countries, both to implement and build on the Plan of Action, and to explore the best ways to grow our economies in a more sustainable way. We agreed that this is an issue which should stay on the agenda of G8 leaders: energy will be a major priority of the Russian G8 Presidency next year, and Japan has agreed that a report on the dialogue will be discussed at its G8 Summit in 2008.
The first meeting of the new dialogue will take place in the UK on 1 November. I believe that this will help to create the conditions for successful UN negotiations, at Montreal later this year and beyond. I also see the UK's EU Presidency, which has just begun, as an opportunity to make further progress on this issue.
On Africa, we wanted to agree a detailed and comprehensive plan, which addressed the multiple causes of poverty together and effectively. One year ago I established the Commission for Africa to bring together experienced people from various G8, developing and African countries, and from politics, business and civil society, to pull together as much evidence as possible of what was working and what wasn't working in Africa in order to draw up such a plan. The Commission published its report - Our Common Interest - of detailed recommendations, in February this year.
At Gleneagles, the G8 agreed with African leaders a comprehensive plan which undertakes to implement over 50 of those detailed recommendations of the Commission for Africa. Some of the highlights& nbsp;of this include:
support Africa's Stand-By Peacekeeping Force
measures to improve governance and tackle corruption, in Africa and by our own companies and citizens
as close as possible to universal access to AIDS treatment by 2010
action to reduce deaths from malaria and TB
funding to eliminate polio this year
support for developing countries to provide free primary education and basic healthcare
a set of measures to encourage business, invest in the necessary infrastructure and to improve the investment climate, to help Africa create wealth and better jobs.
We agreed to back this plan with a huge scale-up in resources. We agreed to more than double aid to Africa by 2010, increasing it by $25bn a year as recommended by the Commission for Africa. We agreed that this would be just part of an overall increase in aid for all developing countries of $50bn a year by 2010. Aid should rise to nearly $100bn a year in 2006 and to nearly $130bn in 2010. Could there have been more? Could it be quicker? Maybe. But many of the African members of our Commission argued that Africa could not absorb it more quickly and that if it was doubled overnight it could not be used properly.
We also endorsed the very recent agreement achieved by Gordon Brown to cancel 100% of the remaining debt which heavily indebted poor countries owe to the World Bank, the IMF and the African Development Bank. Could we go further? Yes. The UK has. And I am sure that the agreement we have helped to secure to cancel around $17bn of Nigeria's debts will be the start of a process to extend debt relief to all countries which need it.
We agreed that trade (pdf, 21kbs) would be a major driver of the economic growth which all countries, but especially the poorest developing countries, need.
I wish we could have gone further in agreeing specific measures to increase access for poor countries to our markets and to eliminate the agriculture and export subsidies which unfairly count against them. There was a determination among most leaders to address these issues. However, there was a consensus that this was best done in the World Trade Organisation talks where all countries are represented. I am confident on the basis of our talks that the WTO meeting in Hong Kong at the end of 2005 will agree to end export subsidies by 2010.
In addition, we agreed a package of measures to ensure that developing countries are able to make the most of their opportunities to trade, through increased investment in skills, jobs, capacity and infrastructure.
We agreed that poor countries must be able to decide their own economic and trade policies, and that aid and debt relief should not come with inappropriate economic conditions attached. The only condition will be that the money is used effectively to reduce poverty in Africa. We agreed poor countries should not have to open up their markets to developed countries until their industries are ready to benefit from this.
Altogether, I believe this represents the biggest step forward for developing countries, especially in Africa, that any G8 Summit has ever agreed. Of course, it still has to be implemented and we agreed to strengthen our joint monitoring mechanism with Africa to ensure it is. And of course, there is still further to go, including this year at the UN Millennium Review Summit in September and at the World Trade talks in December. But this could, just could, be the beginning of the end of extreme poverty in our world.
My chair's summary describes all of the discussions we had at Gleneagles. You can also see all of the other statements which we agreed at Gleneagles on the website, on the Sudan, the Indian Ocean Tsunami, the Middle East Peace Process, the Broader Middle East and North Africa, Iraq, Counter-Terrorism, the Secure and Facilitated International Travel Initiative, Non-Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the Global Economy and Oil, and Intellectual Property Right piracy and counterfeiting.
Yours
Tony Blair
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H Wanzola
Guest
26/9/2006
22:24:19
| Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compris
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Message:
Dear Mr Wanzola,
Thank you for subscribing to our email updates on the G8. As you will know, I recently chaired the annual summit of all G8 leaders in Gleneagles, Scotland.
The Summit was of course overshadowed by the appalling terrorist attacks in London last Thursday. However, all of the leaders who attended the Summit, from the G8 countries, Africa, China, India, Brazil and Mexico, were determined that this must not disrupt the important work of the Summit, on climate change and Africa.
I would like to explain what I was trying to achieve at Gleneagles and what we actually achieved.
On climate change, our objective was never to get the US to sign up to the Kyoto protocol, nor to negotiate the international treaty which must be negotiated for 2012, when the first commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol expires. Rather, our aim was to build a broader international consensus, which included both the US and major emerging economy countries, like China and India, and which prepares the ground for agreeing future frameworks which will drive the radical reductions in greenhouse gas emissions that we need to make.
We did not resolve every issue at Gleneagles. But I believe we made a very significant step forward. The G8 statement on climate change establishes a consensus among all of these countries that climate change is real, that it must be tackled urgently, that emissions must be halted and reduced, and that this must be done in a way which is compatible with the development and growth that is required to reduce poverty and increase wealth for all. This can only be achieved by taking measures to encourage markets and customers for cleaner and more efficient energy technologies, and by ensuring these technologies are available to all countries. We agreed the Gleneagles Plan of Action which sets out a range of practical measures to make this happen.
Crucially, we also agreed on a way to take this forward. We all agreed to continue the productive dialogue between the G8 and other major energy using countries, both to implement and build on the Plan of Action, and to explore the best ways to grow our economies in a more sustainable way. We agreed that this is an issue which should stay on the agenda of G8 leaders: energy will be a major priority of the Russian G8 Presidency next year, and Japan has agreed that a report on the dialogue will be discussed at its G8 Summit in 2008.
The first meeting of the new dialogue will take place in the UK on 1 November. I believe that this will help to create the conditions for successful UN negotiations, at Montreal later this year and beyond. I also see the UK's EU Presidency, which has just begun, as an opportunity to make further progress on this issue.
On Africa, we wanted to agree a detailed and comprehensive plan, which addressed the multiple causes of poverty together and effectively. One year ago I established the Commission for Africa to bring together experienced people from various G8, developing and African countries, and from politics, business and civil society, to pull together as much evidence as possible of what was working and what wasn't working in Africa in order to draw up such a plan. The Commission published its report - Our Common Interest - of detailed recommendations, in February this year.
At Gleneagles, the G8 agreed with African leaders a comprehensive plan which undertakes to implement over 50 of those detailed recommendations of the Commission for Africa. Some of the highlights& nbsp;of this include:
support Africa's Stand-By Peacekeeping Force
measures to improve governance and tackle corruption, in Africa and by our own companies and citizens
as close as possible to universal access to AIDS treatment by 2010
action to reduce deaths from malaria and TB
funding to eliminate polio this year
support for developing countries to provide free primary education and basic healthcare
a set of measures to encourage business, invest in the necessary infrastructure and to improve the investment climate, to help Africa create wealth and better jobs.
We agreed to back this plan with a huge scale-up in resources. We agreed to more than double aid to Africa by 2010, increasing it by $25bn a year as recommended by the Commission for Africa. We agreed that this would be just part of an overall increase in aid for all developing countries of $50bn a year by 2010. Aid should rise to nearly $100bn a year in 2006 and to nearly $130bn in 2010. Could there have been more? Could it be quicker? Maybe. But many of the African members of our Commission argued that Africa could not absorb it more quickly and that if it was doubled overnight it could not be used properly.
We also endorsed the very recent agreement achieved by Gordon Brown to cancel 100% of the remaining debt which heavily indebted poor countries owe to the World Bank, the IMF and the African Development Bank. Could we go further? Yes. The UK has. And I am sure that the agreement we have helped to secure to cancel around $17bn of Nigeria's debts will be the start of a process to extend debt relief to all countries which need it.
We agreed that trade (pdf, 21kbs) would be a major driver of the economic growth which all countries, but especially the poorest developing countries, need.
I wish we could have gone further in agreeing specific measures to increase access for poor countries to our markets and to eliminate the agriculture and export subsidies which unfairly count against them. There was a determination among most leaders to address these issues. However, there was a consensus that this was best done in the World Trade Organisation talks where all countries are represented. I am confident on the basis of our talks that the WTO meeting in Hong Kong at the end of 2005 will agree to end export subsidies by 2010.
In addition, we agreed a package of measures to ensure that developing countries are able to make the most of their opportunities to trade, through increased investment in skills, jobs, capacity and infrastructure.
We agreed that poor countries must be able to decide their own economic and trade policies, and that aid and debt relief should not come with inappropriate economic conditions attached. The only condition will be that the money is used effectively to reduce poverty in Africa. We agreed poor countries should not have to open up their markets to developed countries until their industries are ready to benefit from this.
Altogether, I believe this represents the biggest step forward for developing countries, especially in Africa, that any G8 Summit has ever agreed. Of course, it still has to be implemented and we agreed to strengthen our joint monitoring mechanism with Africa to ensure it is. And of course, there is still further to go, including this year at the UN Millennium Review Summit in September and at the World Trade talks in December. But this could, just could, be the beginning of the end of extreme poverty in our world.
My chair's summary describes all of the discussions we had at Gleneagles. You can also see all of the other statements which we agreed at Gleneagles on the website, on the Sudan, the Indian Ocean Tsunami, the Middle East Peace Process, the Broader Middle East and North Africa, Iraq, Counter-Terrorism, the Secure and Facilitated International Travel Initiative, Non-Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the Global Economy and Oil, and Intellectual Property Right piracy and counterfeiting.
Yours
Tony Blair
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akgfyjw
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11/7/2007
22:51:33
| RE: Koffi Hanan: un noir qui a presque tout compri
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